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The new arms race of AI

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If the first global summit of AI 15 months ago, organized by Great Britain, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, focused more on cooperation to face the risks of AI, the last this week in Paris highlighted a change in dynamics: towards geopolitical competence and the search for technological and economic advantage. On his first foreign trip as Vice President of the United States, JD Vance said that the United States was starting the brakes and putting his foot on the floor to develop. The United States and the United Kingdom did not sign up for a closing statement that said that AI should be “inclusive, transparent, ethical and safe.” A new arms career of AI has begun, with the United States and China competing for domain and Europe trying to forge their role.

The Trump administration, Vance said, intended to consolidate the leadership of the United States and ensure that the “most powerful AI systems are built in the United States, with chips designed and manufactured.” In a mockery of the legislated approach in Europe, he said that regulatory regimes had to “encourage the creation of AI technology instead of strangling it”; The United States would not tolerate foreign governments “hardening screws for US companies.” Without appointing China, Vance also warned against AI’s signing with an “authoritarian teacher.”

The vice president spoke days after the director of the US Institute of Security. UU. He retired, which increased uncertainty about his future. Donald Trump also revoked the 2023 executive order of President Joe Biden who asks that the main companies share information with the United States government. The new position of the United States, says an academic, is a “change of 180 degrees” by Biden’s.

This strategic change has coincided with an inclination of the balance of the power of the power. The confidence of the United States in its technological lead has been shaken by Deepseek from China, a model of AI was apparently developed cheaper and with much less computer power than the counterparts of the United States. For now, China seeks to play on both sides. It is getting involved with the EU in the global regulatory agenda. But he is also investing a lot to overcome restrictions on his access to advanced microchips, and challenging US hegemony in AI.

Europe still strives to affirm itself as a player in the global career of AI, and an alternative to the United States and China. Some European executives have promoted Deepseek, together with the Mistral de France, as evidence that the cheapest and open source models could provide an opportunity for the continent. The French president, Emmanuel Macron, who organized the conference, spoke in favor of open and shared the AI ​​platforms, criticized US models. And announced large investments in AI infrastructure in France. But, while EU rules may not be as suffocating as the United States vice president states, Europe has other obstacles, including the capital’s shortage of “blitzscaling” to quickly build new companies.

Great Britain has denied that her own disconcerting failure, as the organizer of the first Summit of AI, to sign the final statement, when 57 countries, including China and India, plus the EU, reflected the decision to put on the side of the White House Trump. The Government insists that it was because the declaration did not provide enough “practical clarity” on the overall government of AI or addressed “more difficult questions” about national security.

What is true, the case of the collaborative governance of the new technology, especially the objective of intelligence at the human level, is powerful, given its great potential benefits and risks. No one would like to see their development strangled by excessive regulation, or an authoritarian China becomes dominant. But the apparent preparation of the United States to dismantle the railings that were being placed represents a bold, potentially reckless bet, which can first dominate this technology that changes the game, without anything going wrong on the road.

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